Deputies accused a Texas sheriff of corruption and dysfunction. Then came the mass shooting

FILE - San Jacinto County Sheriff Greg Capers, left, and FBI assistant Special Agent in Charge Jimmy Paul speak to the media during a news conference announcing the arrest of murder suspect Francisco Oropeza on Tuesday, May 2, 2023 in Cleveland, Texas. Law enforcement officials captured Oropeza on Tuesday night at a home near Houston, ending a four-day manhunt for a suspect who police believe fled after a mass shooting that left five dead. (Brett Coomer/Houston Chronicle via AP, File)

COLDSPRING, Texas (AP) 鈥 Sheriff Greg Capers was the classic picture of a Texas lawman as he announced the capture of a suspected mass killer: white cowboy hat on his head, gold star pinned to his chest, white cross on his belt and a large pistol emblazoned with his name on his hip.

Capers addressed television cameras in May at the end the search for , who had evaded hundreds of officers for four days after allegedly killing five neighbors when they complained his late-night shooting was keeping their baby awake.

But an Associated Press investigation found the sheriff鈥檚 turn in the national spotlight belied years of complaints about corruption and dysfunction that were previously unknown outside the piney woods of San Jacinto County.

Capers did not directly respond to requests for comment, but his second-in-command dismissed the accusations as 鈥渟traight-up lies.鈥

Here are the key takeaways from the AP investigation:

UNDERSTATED RESPONSE TIME

During the search for Oropeza, Capers said his deputies arrived in 11 minutes and the suspect was already gone. The sheriff's office now acknowledges deputies took nearly four times that long to get to the shooting outside of Cleveland, 46 miles (74 kilometers) northwest of Houston.

In response to questions, officials with Capers' office shared a detailed timeline based on call logs and radio traffic.

The first of many 911 calls about Oropeza's gunfire came at 11:34 p.m. on April 28.

Wilson Garcia later recalled telling his wife to 鈥済et inside鈥 as he watched Oropeza run toward their home, reloading his rifle.

At 12:11 a.m., a dispatcher heard gunfire over the open phone line.

Deputies arrived on the street five minutes later, which was 42 minutes after the first call. Garcia鈥檚 wife, his 9-year-old son and three others were dead.

Chief Deputy Tim Kean and another official said the initial calls came in as harassment complaints about Oropeza shooting on his own property and that some calls required a Spanish translator. They said the three deputies on duty were working on an aggravated robbery and the time it took them to respond was 鈥渁verage鈥 given the county鈥檚 size and the area鈥檚 rough roads.

Kean said the sheriff's initial timeline was his 鈥渂est guestimation.鈥

PAST COMPLAINTS

Deputies were called to Oropeza鈥檚 home at least three times in the two prior years, according to call logs. One came last June, when his wife reported he punched and kicked her and 鈥減ounded鈥 her head on the 鈥渄riveway gravel,鈥 according to court records. The logs show a deputy arrived 46 minutes later; Oropeza was gone.

An arrest warrant for Oropeza was dropped late the next month after his wife said she didn鈥檛 want to press charges, according to Kean. She is accused of in the mass shooting.

Experts say Oropeza鈥檚 immigration record barred him from having a firearm. The 38-year-old Mexican national was deported four times before 2016 and illegally reentered the county, according to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

His lawyer, Anthony Osso, declined to comment on his client鈥檚 immigration status and said Oropeza will to capital murder.

Kean said deputies can鈥檛 check immigration records themselves and did not contact ICE because they don鈥檛 find the agency responsive.

CONSULTANT'S REPORT

The year before the shooting, county leaders hired a police consulting firm to examine the sheriff鈥檚 office but disregarded his recommendation to have the Texas Rangers鈥 public corruption squad investigate.

The LION Institute found evidence that Capers fostered a 鈥渇ear-based鈥 culture and oversaw the improper seizure of tens of thousands of dollars of property. The group also found deputies failed to follow up on reports of 4,000 crimes, including alleged sexual and child abuse. The report, obtained by the AP, also said Capers dismissed concerns about an affair between a deputy and an informant.

Kean denied deputies neglected investigations, largely blaming an 鈥渁dmin screw-up鈥 in the department鈥檚 computer system and saying some victims could not identify their attackers. He also said LION CEO Mike Alexander never interviewed him or Capers.

Two county commissioners told the AP they deferred to the district attorney on how to handle the report. The other two dismissed the inquiry as 鈥渁 witch hunt鈥 that rehashed a disgruntled former deputy鈥檚 lawsuit.

EX-DEPUTIES ALLEGE CORRUPTION

Several former deputies said Capers鈥 office has long neglected basic police work while pursuing asset seizures boosting its $3.5 million budget but don鈥檛 always hold up in court.

The one who sued was Michael Flynt, a retired Houston-area officer whom Capers recruited to run an undercover drug unit in early 2017. The sheriff鈥檚 office had fired him by June 2018, charging Flynt with forging government documents by allegedly lying on his job application.

In his whistleblower lawsuit, Flynt accused the sheriff鈥檚 office of retaliating after he raised concerns about Capers鈥 conduct. Judges eventually dismissed and expunged the charges. Flynt unsuccessfully ran for sheriff against Capers in 2020.

That year, Capers acknowledged in a deposition that he told a former deputy to scrub Facebook of information about the deputy鈥檚 romantic relationship with a confidential informant in a series of gambling cases. The county settled Flynt鈥檚 lawsuit two months later.

The county settled the whistleblower suit to avoid a costly trial, Kean said. ___

Associated Press videojournalist Lekan Oyekanmi contributed to this report.

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