WASHINGTON (AP) 鈥 As incoming White House chief of staff, one of Susie Wiles 鈥 vexing challenges will be policing the buffet line of powerful interests who want something from Donald Trump.
It鈥檚 a world she knows well. During Trump鈥檚 first presidency, she lobbied for many of them.
Trump was first elected on a pledge to 鈥渄rain the swamp鈥 in Washington. But his transactional approach to the presidency instead ushered in a lobbying boom that showered allies, including Wiles, with lucrative contracts, empowered wealthy business associates and stymied his agenda after his administration was ensnared in a series of influence-peddling scandals.
Now, as , his victory is likely to embolden those who think they can get his ear, raising the prospect that his second administration could face many of the same perils as his first. That will test the ability of Wiles to manage a growing number of high-powered figures 鈥 including Trump鈥檚 children, his son-in-law Jared Kushner and billionaires like Elon Musk 鈥 who will not be dependent on her for access to the president.
The appointment of a former lobbyist to such an important job 鈥渂odes very poorly for what we are about to see from the next Trump administration,鈥 said , himself a registered lobbyist for the government watchdog group Public Citizen. 鈥淭his time around, Trump didn鈥檛 even mention 鈥榙raining the swamp.鈥 ... He鈥檚 not even pretending.鈥
In a statement, Brian Hughes, a spokesman from the Trump transition effort, rejected any suggestion that Wiles鈥 history as a lobbyist would make her susceptible to pressure.
鈥淪usie Wiles has an undeniable reputation of the highest integrity and steadfast commitment to service both inside and outside government,鈥 Hughes said.
Wiles鈥 selection as chief of staff was Trump鈥檚 first announced hire after his win. Wiles, who co-led the former president鈥檚 campaign, will have her work cut out for her. Though the job has traditionally entailed policing who has access to the president, Trump chafed at such efforts during his first presidency as he churned through four chiefs of staff.
Wiles, 67, has successfully managed headstrong men across a lengthy career in politics, government and lobbying. The daughter of NFL player and sportscaster Pat Summerall, Wiles worked for U.S. Rep. Jack Kemp, a conservative icon, in the 1970s, followed by stints on Ronald Reagan鈥檚 campaign and as a scheduler in his White House.
She later headed to Florida, where she advised two Jacksonville mayors and is credited with helping businessman Rick Scott, now a U.S. senator, win the governor鈥檚 office. After briefly managing Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman鈥檚 2012 presidential campaign, she oversaw Trump鈥檚 2016 effort in Florida, when his win in the state helped him clinch the White House.
Wiles was a partner at Ballard Partners, a regional firm that lobbied for Trump鈥檚 companies in Florida. Shortly after Trump鈥檚 election, Ballard set up shop in Washington and quickly , pulling in more than $70 million in lobbying fees during Trump鈥檚 presidency, representing a who鈥檚 who of corporate America, lobbying disclosures show.
Many of Wiles鈥 clients were plain vanilla entities with obvious aims 鈥 General Motors, a trade group for children鈥檚 hospitals, homebuilders, and the City of Jacksonville.
One in particular stood out that speaks to the ways, subtle or otherwise, that foreign interests seek to influence U.S. policy. In 2017, Wiles registered as a lobbyist for Globovisi贸n, a Venezuelan TV network owned by a businessman charged in Miami with money laundering.
Gorr铆n bought the broadcast company in 2013 and immediately softened its anti-government coverage. He hired Ballard to advise on 鈥済eneral government policies and regulations,鈥 lobbying disclosures show. But rather than working with the agencies that oversee telecommunications, Ballard鈥檚 lobbying was trained on the White House, which would have little say in regulating a foreign broadcaster in the U.S. Globovisi贸n paid Ballard $800,000 for a year of work.
Brian Ballard, president of the firm, said that it鈥檚 clear to him that Gorr铆n鈥檚 aims weren鈥檛 limited to the media business. Gorr铆n, who owns several luxury properties in Miami, had long positioned himself as a bridge between Venezuela鈥檚 socialist government and U.S. officials.
A few days after Ballard dropped Gorr铆n in 2018, federal prosecutors unsealed charges against the businessman for allegedly using the U.S. finance system to supply Venezuelan officials with private jets, a yacht and champion show-jumping horses as part of a fake loan scheme perpetrated by insiders to pilfer the state鈥檚 coffers. Last month, he was charged a second time, also out of Miami, in another scheme to siphon $1 billion from the state oil company, PDVSA.
Ballard said Wiles had almost no role in managing the relationship with Gorr铆n or several other clients for which she is listed as a lobbyist. He praised her as someone who is a highly organized 鈥渟traight shooter鈥 and 鈥渢ough as nails鈥 despite her soft demeanor.
During Trump鈥檚 first term, Venezuelan President Nicol谩s Maduro engaged in a peacemaking offensive that included attempts to hire at least two other lobbyists. It fizzled out, however. In 2019, the White House slapped crushing oil sanctions on the OPEC nation, closed the U.S. Embassy in Caracas and recognized the head of the opposition-controlled 香港六合彩挂牌资料 Assembly as the country鈥檚 legitimate ruler. Maduro was then indicted in 2020 by the U.S. Justice Department on federal drug trafficking charges out of New York.
Gorr铆n has long denied any wrongdoing and remains a fugitive. In a brief interview with The Associated Press, he called Wiles a 鈥渓ady鈥 and said she always acted professionally and humanely.
Globovisi贸n wasn鈥檛 Wiles鈥 only client with foreign ties.
In early 2019, she registered with the Justice Department as a foreign agent working for one of Nigeria鈥檚 main political parties for two months. Another client was an auto dealership owned by Shafik Gabr, a wealthy businessman who was in a financial dispute related to selling cars in Egypt with a subsidiary of the German automaker Volkswagen.
Wiles was also a registered lobbyist for the subsidiaries of a multinational gaming company and a Canadian company looking to build a massive near Alaska鈥檚 salmon-rich Bristol Bay.
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Goodman reported from Miami and Suderman from Richmond, Virginia.
